Near the Kremlin, several dozen people are queuing in front of the headquarters of the presidential administration. They have come to present petitions asking President Putin to end the crackdown on cyber net.
Russian authorities have intensified their surveillance of the country’s cyberspace. Access to global messaging applications has been restricted and widespread disruptions, even complete outages, of mobile cyber service often occur.
Presenting a petition to the president is apt. But in an authoritarian state, this is public exposure.
And people know it.
From the other side of the street, security agents film the petitioners, and us too.
“Aren’t you afraid?” I ask Yulia in line.
“A lot,” he answers. “I’m shaking.”
Putin acknowledged the blockade and described it as “operational work to prevent terrorist attacks,” although he claims to have given instructions to allow “uninterrupted operation” of the most essential cyber net services.
Yulia, owner of a catering company, explains how attempts to censor cyber net have affected her business.
“Lately there have been times when our website was not accessible. We could not generate income,” he says.
“Every time they block cyber net we lose money especially if they cut Telegram or WhatsApp. My business depends completely on cyber net. Without access to cyber net, as it is, it cannot exist.”
State messaging app
Russian authorities insist that the restrictions on communications respond to a need for public security. They claim that mobile cyber net outages disorient Ukrainian attack drones, although their attacks have continued even in areas where cyber net has been cut.
Authorities accuse international courier companies of ignoring Russian data protection laws. Access to WhatsApp and Telegram has been considerably restricted. Meanwhile, state regulators are going after VPNs (virtual private networks) used to bypass restrictions.
As part of the push to achieve a “sovereign cyber net,” the government is promoting a state-backed Russian messaging app called MAX.
Citizens are suspicious.
“Many people think that this messaging application was created by the government specifically to control our messages,” says former deputy Boris Nadezhdin, who at the time tried to compete against Putin in the presidential elections.
Additionally, in many parts of Russia, the only sites that can be accessed via cell phone are government-approved ones.
It feels like a “digital iron curtain” is being built.
“The idea is to isolate Russia from the outside world,” declares columnist Andrei Kolesnikov, of the opposition media Novaya Gazeta, due to the belief that “this world is toxic for the minds of Russians.”
“Russia was always blocked, mainly by the West, which was the source of the “bad, revolutionary and liberal tips”. It has always been like that.”
However, Russians are so adapted to the digital age and cyber net that the restrictions and cyber blockade are shocking to them.
“It has less to do with freedom of expression and more to do with custom,” believes activist Yulia Grekova.
“People have become accustomed to paying and ordering taxis with their cell phones. They spend the day on the bus chatting with their friends. There are very few people who do not use mobile cyber net to work, access public services and keep in touch with family. That is why there is so much indignation. It affects us all,” he adds.
I speak with Yulia Grekova in the city of Vladimir, 190 km from Moscow. He recently tried to organize a demonstration against cyber net restrictions.
“We requested permission from the local authorities and proposed several location options. They told us that it was not possible, since on the requested date they would be cleaning the streets in the 11 locations we proposed.”
“The city council offered an alternative place and time. But then they said that was not possible either, due to the danger of a drone attack [ucranianos]”.
Afterwards, Yulia received a visit from the police and a warning not to protest.
“They came to my work. A patrol car and three people. They recorded me signing the prosecutor’s official warning.” I felt like some kind of terrorist.
Similar requests for public protests were rejected in dozens of Russian towns and cities. In the Moscow region, local authorities cited coronavirus concerns. In Penza, officials stated that a demonstration could not take place due to a roller skating master class at the requested location.
go back to the past
In the center of Vladimir, I check my phone. The taxi booking app works and I can access state media. But Google searches don’t work. And independent news sites don’t load.
“It’s much more difficult to communicate,” says María, who is walking with her baby. “We want to stay on top of the latest news and trends. Instead, we are falling behind.”
However, the more we talk, the less Maria seems interested in updated information.
“Before, when there was no cyber net, the world seemed like a brighter place, because we knew less,” he tells me.
Regarding Russia’s war against Ukraine, he tells us: “I try to avoid this kind of news. I don’t want to fill my head with it. We are tired of news about people dying.”
“[Las restricciones de internet] They create problems every day,” says Denis. “Today I couldn’t pay for gas. And my GPS is failing.”
“People are upset,” Alexander tells me. “Especially small business owners. They lose customers when they cannot access the cyber net.”
“It seems like we are going backwards,” says Yulia Grekova, “going back to the past.”
Does the Russian repression against cyber net represent a return to the past?
“No, it’s not,” Putin’s spokesman, Dmitry Peskov, assures me, back in Moscow.
“In the current situation, security considerations require certain measures,” Peskov continues. “These are being implemented and the majority of our citizens understand their need.
“It is clear that cyber net restrictions cause inconvenience to many people. But this is the period we are living in. Once the need for these measures disappears, services will be fully restored and return to normal.”
But restrictions and repression are starting to feel like the new normal.
“I don’t think this regime is willing to back down,” concludes journalist Andrei Kolesnikov. “They can only move forward with more repression.”
“The bad thing for the authorities is the accumulation of discontent, and this could have repercussions in the future. We don’t know how. But it is clear that irritation and discontent are building.”
And they are emerging.
Recently, Russian blogger Victoria Bonya posted a “message to the president of Russia” on Instagram. In it he harshly criticized the repression of cyber net and other controversial issues in the country.
The video went viral with tens of millions of views. In her monologue, Victoria Bonya did not directly blame Putin, but addressing him she declared: “There is a huge, thick wall between you and us, the common people.”
On Thursday, the Kremlin leader said he could not help but “pay attention” to the problems Russians have been experiencing as a result of the cyber outage.
He instructed law enforcement agencies to show “ingenuity and professionalism” and “take into account the vital interests of citizens.”
This did not represent a change of course on Putin’s part. There was no sign that the restrictions would be ended.
Recent polls in Russia suggest that his popularity has fallen to its lowest level since the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022.
But it is not just cyber net restrictions that are fueling public unrest. Russians are worried about the economy and fatigue with the war in Ukraine is growing.
“People are beginning to understand that there is a direct connection between their everyday problems, such as healthcare, food prices and problems with the cyber net, and Vladimir Putin’s policies,” Boris Nadezhdin tells me.
“And this is a new situation in Russia.”
After presenting her petition to the presidential administration, Yulia has returned to work, baking bread at her catering company.
She has raised her voice, but she’s not sure it will make a difference. You are already thinking about how to adapt to online restrictions. The Russians, he tells me, have a lot of experience adapting to big changes.
“My great-grandfather was richer than average. In a Soviet village, that was considered a sin. His property was confiscated and he was moved to Siberia. But his family adapted.”
“My parents lived through the collapse of the Soviet Union: they adapted to the market economy. Now it’s my turn to adapt. Then it will be my daughter’s turn.”
How does Yulia see the evolution of the situation in Russia?
“The future is not even mentioned in everyday conversations with friends and family,” he explains. “It’s like: what are we going to do in three days, in a week, in a month?
“No one thinks beyond a month.”
Like the bread I see expanding in the oven, a deep sense of uncertainty is growing in Russia.
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